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There is no movement without media: 12 tips for successful engagement

Back in the 1990s, when Akhila Sivadas was part of a growing women’s rights movement in India, she and other activists, frustrated with the lack of attention to their cause, recognised that their movement needed effective engagement with the media to grow and succeed.

Akhila now leads the Centre for Advocacy Research in New Delhi, which helps civil society organisations to craft media strategies. They also track and monitor the media on behalf of their stakeholders across India.

‘Akhila reminded civil society partners that they needed to take “media advocacy” as seriously as their policy advocacy goals.’

Akhila, alongside Ambika Raja, a reporter with disabilities at The New Indian Express, led a session on media engagement at a Foundation learning exchange on disability rights. In the presentation, Akhila reminded civil society partners that they needed to take ‘media advocacy’ as seriously as their policy advocacy goals.

Akhila Sivadas (left) and Ambika Raja share their media engagement tips at the disabilities learning exchange in Bengaluru, India

Participants at the exchange expressed scepticism about whether to trust the media, given the current political climate and a tendency toward distortion. There was also understandable confusion over the dizzying array of media channels to choose from.

Here are some of the strategies and tactics that Akhila and Ambika shared in response:

  1. Find kindred spirts in the media. They are certain to exist, but it takes time and research to find the journalists and bloggers who share an interest in your advocacy issue. Interact regularly with reporters whose work you like and understand the kinds of stories they want. This knowledge can be helpful when crafting story ideas.
  2. Clear, confident messaging. A single, compelling idea is more likely to attract attention. Be ready with background information and data to back up your points. Remember that journalists and editors want to get to the heart of the issue, so do not overburden them with all the issues and causes you are working on.
  3. Pique their interest. Remember that media houses have a commercial imperative. They want to feature important stories, but they also want to increase their readership. Prepare your stories and press releases with attention-grabbing titles and clear, well-written messaging. Present an interesting angle to your story—one that discusses not just the issue at hand but also how it might affect the everyday person. Journalists and audiences in particular like ‘human interest stories’: so move beyond events and look for stories.
  4. Track the issues covered in the news. Journalists will be encouraged to write about your issue if you can show evidence that it is under-reported. Providing that evidence takes time and research but it will be worth it.
  5. Social media influences mainstream news. If the mainstream media is ignoring your cause, consider ramping up your social media output, or using alternative media. Journalists are constantly trawling through social media for stories and to identify trends. Create a short video about your cause and tag relevant media and influencers. This may grab the attention of those who can get your story out to a wider audience.
  6. Don’t give up if ‘breaking news’ drowns your story. Let the dust settle on the big story of the day and go back tomorrow—or next week—and try again. Revamp the story, refresh the title, add some new quotes, and continue to nurture your relationships with journalists.
  7. Try newsjacking. If there is a compelling story that has dominated the news, show how the issue you are working on connects to it. For example, if your organisation is working to advance the rights of persons with disabilities and there has been a natural disaster somewhere, build a story on persons with disabilities affected by the disaster, or how you are trying to help them. This is a clever way of amplifying your voice and showing how your issue is relevant to current events.
  8. Choose the best spokesperson for your story. Ensure your spokespeople understand your issue thoroughly and will not distort your message. The best spokespeople are often those with a lived experience of your issue who can articulate it clearly and concisely. Different mediums might require different spokespeople – or a range of different people with different viewpoints.
  9. Data and evidence improve credibility. In the print press, a local story will go to the national bureau and then to the chief editor for final approval. When you pitch your story, include key data and evidence in your pitch. This makes your story more credible and likely to grab the attention of editors. Citizen data from scorecards and audit reports are good sources of local-level data.
  10. Run a fellowship programme for journalists. If there is a lack of sensitivity and awareness of your cause, you need to build the media’s awareness yourself. Consider running a fellowship programme or providing support for young journalists to write about your cause.
  11. Track the work of journalists you like and have worked with already. If a journalist has featured a story on your issue in the past, keep track of their work. You may see the opportunity to interest them in a follow up story to review progress made over the year on your issue.
  12. Use politicians and celebrities to attract newsmakers, but also invite journalists who focus on substance. Inviting Ministers and high profile public figures to your events can attract the mainstream media; however, their presence can eclipse coverage of your issue. The media is likely to be more interested in what the Minister or celebrity has to say than what you have to say. While this is frustrating, civil society can use these events to invite a range of journalists—those focusing on the sound bites as well as those focusing on more in-depth pieces. Both give your issue coverage and reach a range of audiences.

In summary, Ambika reminded us that journalists are doing their best in a challenging climate and that there are journalists out there dedicated to just causes; it is simply up to us to build a relationship with them. Akhila encouraged participants not to give up: ‘Our issues are a struggle and if you start from that premise, you’ll be reminded to just keep at it until you find success.’

Gillian Cooper is Programme Manager of Knowledge, Learning, and Communications at the Commonwealth Foundation. 

Caribbean island states and COVID-19: re-building resilience

Caribbean Island States are characterised by, among many other things, small but growing populations, limited resources, remoteness, susceptibility to natural disasters, vulnerability to external shocks, excessive dependence on international trade, and fragile natural environments. For many Caribbean countries, a new year signals the start of a series of established annual events—from the respective country carnivals of exceptional revelry to the end of a flourishing tourist season that coincides with the winter season in North America and Europe. Such is the Caribbean reality to which many have grown accustomed.

The year 2020 beckons a different Caribbean truth. The entire region is grappling with COVID-19 and some unique challenges loom. Commodity-dependent islands such as Trinidad and Tobago and Guyana are reeling from the shock of oil prices that have plummeted beyond their wildest imagination. Given that the pandemic began to shut down global travel as early as December 2019, tourism-dependent islands did not have the kind of winter tourist season and revenue to which they’ve grown accustomed. Add to these novel challenges those that are not new: the imminent hurricane season that starts in June (the devastation of earlier years from which some Caribbean countries are still trying to recover), and the perennial social and economic challenges in the region—high levels of debt, poverty, unemployment, and crime.

‘It is well known that the poor suffer the most in times of disaster due to fewer—if any—safety nets.’

As seen around the world, local outbreaks of the coronavirus result in illness, quarantine, and in many cases, government-imposed ‘stay at home’ measures; these all affect hours worked and productivity. Public health services are at the forefront of the COVID-19 response but most countries in the region have little fiscal space to increase spending to the health sector and simultaneously support households. Islands that have weak public health infrastructure and large elderly populations are particularly at risk. The United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean has predicted that ‘The effects of COVID-19 will cause the biggest recession that the region has suffered since 1914 and 1930.’

Caribbean countries need to begin contemplating what their development trajectory with COVID-19 looks like. It is well known that the poor suffer the most in times of disaster due to fewer—if any—safety nets. Women and children are also more at risk, especially in developing countries since they comprise a larger proportion of those living in poverty. Building multidimensional resilience should be a priority at this time; resilience, in this sense, is understood as a country’s (or individual’s) capacity to adapt and maintain an acceptable level of functioning when exposed to hazards.

‘This challenge should not be left solely to Governments, though they have a pivotal role to play’

COVID-19 is exposing many of the fault lines that could compromise sustainable development in this part of the world. Loss of jobs and slower economic activity could push more people into poverty; health care systems, which are under unimaginable strain at this time, may not be able to support the general health and wellness of the population, particularly the most vulnerable; and, while many schools have closed and lessons have moved online, inequities and inequalities in education might be exacerbated due to unequal digital access.

The road ahead in rebuilding Caribbean island states will be challenging. I see it as a marathon as opposed to a sprint—it will be achieved over the medium to long-term.  This challenge should not be left solely to Governments, though they have a pivotal role to play in terms of ensuring the availability of, and access to, public goods and services. Caribbean community-based and non-governmental organisations are vital allies in the process of recovery and resilience-building since they are closer to the pulse on the ground and can identify where interventions might be most effective. To ensure we do not rebuild our vulnerabilities and that we embed resilience—now, more than ever—Caribbean civil society should be integral to policy-making and planning.

Dr Marlene Attzs is an economist and a Civil Society Advisory Governor on the Foundation’s Board.

Shielding democracy from COVID-19

Across the world, COVID-19 has unleashed a tidal wave of state power. What can we do to ensure that the great pandemic of 2020 is not remembered for an unravelling of democratic values, a disintegration of the rule of law; an irreversible erosion of hard-won rights and freedoms?

The risk is very real. Authoritarianism, the enemy of personal freedom, dines richly on fear and uncertainty. As a former UK Chief Justice recently remarked, we often give up our freedom voluntarily in return for promised protection from some external threat. Accepting this aspect of our humanity leads us to understand that passivity is dangerous. Today, more so than ever, the long-term well-being of our societies requires us to engage our leaders: to support them, yes, but also to question and challenge.

‘Emergency measures that come without an expiry or review date should always raise a red flag.’

The first step is to be absolutely clear about what is acceptable during a time of crisis and what is not. All political systems recognise the need for extraordinary action in extraordinary times. Even in liberal democracies, additional powers can be granted and certain can be suspended during a health or other public emergency ‘which threatens the life of the nation’. The rationale is straightforward. When things go terribly wrong, our leaders need the space and capacity to respond swiftly and effectively. As citizens, we agree to make a temporary sacrifice in order to secure our longer-term freedom and prosperity.

In the real world, things are never that simple. Too often, the rights and freedoms we sacrifice in extraordinary times are permanently damaged. In the aftermath of the 2001 US terrorist attacks, for example, ‘temporary’ powers that infringed on basic rights to privacy and security were granted to national security agencies. Many of these laws are still with us, now routinely used for non-terrorism purposes: from migration control to suppression of the media.

How do we distinguish between a legitimate response to an extreme threat on the one hand and a dangerous overreach on the other? In some cases, the answer seems straightforward. In Cambodia for example, the recently passed COVID-19 emergency law grants an already dictatorial and unchallenged government vast new powers: from property seizure to media controls. Hungary is on the verge of an indefinite state of emergency that will allow its Prime Minister to rule without reference to Parliament until he decides the emergency is over. And the Philippines’ response has quickly morphed from lockdown to crackdown.

‘An informed, engaged and questioning citizenry is the best defence we have.’

Fortunately, such instances of shameless power-grabbing remain the exception, at least for now. But the trend is clear, with Oxford University’s COVID-19 government response tracker confirming that governments of every political stripe are granting themselves sweeping new powers to forcibly detain individuals; close schools; shut borders; restrict internal movement; limit free speech; impose curfews and ban public gatherings. Whether by executive fiat or via parliaments, these laws are being rushed through without the attention and scrutiny that much less-important legislation routinely receives.

Many of these responses are raising hard questions. For example, is it appropriate for governments to use surveillance technology that is normally deployed against enemies of the state to track the movements of their own citizens? And how far should that go: what if, for example, these new rules turn out to support biometric surveillance? What if new laws and regulations have a disproportionately negative impact on certain social or ethnic groups? What if they are deployed to silence protest—to effectively outlaw criticism of state policy in this or other areas? And even if we presume that strong measures might be necessary, how can citizens pass judgement on the actions of their leaders during this critical time when governments across the world, 47 at last count, are postponing national and local elections?

Deciding what constitutes a reasonable law is tricky. It might even be impossible until after the fog has lifted. At this stage, the best question we can ask is whether the authorities are demonstrating that their reaction to COVID-19 passes the two-fold test of being necessary and proportionate to the threat as it is currently understood. That involves weighing a myriad of factors, not least the underlying democratic health of the country: a government that is generally responsible and answerable to its people deserves to be trusted much more than one which is unaccountable.

On top of the general tests, we must be alert to the classic warning signs of overreach. Emergency measures that come without an expiry or review date should always raise a red flag. Laws that fail to specify their objective—and to relate the application of new powers solely to securing that objective—should raise another. Laws that erode basic democratic protections—for example by exempting their application from judicial or parliamentary scrutiny—are also to be treated with great caution. And in this situation, as in all others, we must be highly wary of emergency-related restrictions on those fundamental rights that serve to protect all others: freedom of speech, expression and information. This is the time for radical transparency: any attempt to suppress information, debate and dissent should be robustly challenged.

The COVID-19 pandemic has expanded the reach and power of the state to a degree that is unprecedented in the living memory of most modern democracies. The consequent loss of rights and freedoms may well turn out to be necessary. But history teaches a harsh lesson: sacrificing liberties is a dangerous game with a highly uncertain outcome. An informed, engaged and questioning citizenry is the best defence we have.

Dr Anne T. Gallagher AO is Director-General of the Commonwealth Foundation.

Introducing our Civil Society Advisory Governors (2020-2022)

We take great pride in announcing the appointment of five new Civil Society Advisory Governors (CSAG) to our Board.

The Commonwealth Foundation has a tradition of involving civil society in its governance structure. The Foundation’s Board of Governors comprises representatives of its Member States as well as five CSAG members: distinguished civic voices that each represent a region of the Commonwealth. The representatives provide guidance on aspects of our programmes as well as our long-term strategy. Browse the profiles of the new appointees below.

Goretti Kyomuhendo (Africa)

Goretti Kyomuhendo is Director of the African Writers Trust (AWT), a literary initiative based in Uganda. Established in 2009, AWT aims to bridge the divide between African writers and publishing professionals living in the Diaspora and on the continent.

A writer herself, Ms. Kyomuhendo is one of Uganda’s leading novelists and has published four novels, several children’s books, short stories, and a writer’s guide.

Ms. Kyomuhendo’s career as a literary and cultural practitioner spans over 20 years. She is a founding member of FEMRITE—The Uganda women writers association and publishing house—and worked as its first director for ten years between 1997 and 2007, where she pioneered writing projects to promote, inspire and publish women writers.

The first Ugandan woman writer to receive the International Writing Program Fellowship at the University of Iowa, Ms. Kyomuhendo has been recognised for her work as a writer and practitioner nationally and internationally, and has represented her country at numerous forums worldwide.

She holds a BA in English Studies and an MA in Creative Writing from the University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa.

Kalpana Kannabiran (Asia)

Kalpana Kannabiran is a Professor and Regional Director at the Council for Social Development, Hyderabad.  She taught sociology and law as part of the founding faculty of NALSAR University of Law, Hyderabad between 1999 and 2009.  A women’s rights activist, she is a co-founder of Asmita, a feminist collective in Hyderabad that was founded in 1991 and worked for three decades in the areas of feminist publishing, rights training and advocacy, legal literacy, and pro-bono counselling.

Her work has focussed on understanding the social foundations of non-discrimination, structural violence, and questions of constitutionalism and social justice in India. Author of Tools of Justice: Non-discrimination and the Indian Constitution (2012), her writing encompasses law and gender studies, disability rights, rights of religious minorities, indigenous rights, law and literature, and violence studies. She is a recipient of the Amartya Sen Award for Distinguished Social Scientists (2012) for her work in the discipline of law.

Dr. Marlene Attzs (Caribbean and Americas)

Marlene Attzs is a Lecturer in Economics at the University of the West Indies (UWI), Trinidad and Tobago. She has served as Head of the Economics as well as Deputy Dean in the Faculty of Social Sciences, UWI. She has more than 20 years’ experience as an economist focussing primarily on the economics of sustainable development. She currently serves in an administrative capacity within the University, bringing to bear her academic skills to support the University’s strategic objectives.

Dr. Attzs’s research portfolio primarily focusses on sustainable economic development issues confronting Caribbean Island States. Her specific research interests include sustainable development, climate change adaptation, and gender mainstreaming. She has worked as a consultant in many Caribbean countries and also consulted for Governmental and Non-Governmental agencies in Trinidad and Tobago, regional institutions such as the Caribbean Development Bank and the Caribbean Disaster Emergency Management Agency, as well as internationally with the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) in Washington, D.C.

Between 2005 and 2006, Dr. Attzs was based at the IDB Headquarters in Washington as a Consultant in the Sustainable Development Division, with responsibility for coordinating the Bank’s Natural Disaster Network, which comprised the national focal points for disaster risk management across the Bank’s Member Countries in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Celia Wade-Brown (Pacific)

Celia Wade-Brown is a former Mayor of Wellington, New Zealand. Prior to her local government career, she worked as a programmer, teacher, and IT analyst. Born in London, United Kingdom, Ms. Wade Brown has worked in Europe, Africa, China, and Australia.

As Mayor of Wellington, she strengthened business and cultural relationships between cities in Asia and Wellington. She was a founding member of the New Zealand Internet Society. In 2002, Ms. Wade-Brown founded Living Streets Aotearoa, a walking advocacy organisation. Wellington became the first New Zealand Council to introduce a Living Wage and a goal of Predator Free Capital.

Improving pedestrian access, cycling facilities, public transport, urban biodiversity and social housing have been integral to her political career. She has promoted the value of cultural diversity by adding Asian, African, and European events to the city’s calendar.

After standing down as Mayor, Ms. Wade-Brown was appointed to Biophilic Cities Network Advisory Board, Walk21 Foundation, Te Araroa Trust, Predator Free Wellington, and the NZ Walking Access Commission. She is Patron of the Friends of Taputeranga Marine Reserve and the African Film Festival, a trustee of the Great Harbour Way Trust, she co-chairs the Wellington Sea Kayak Network, and is currently working to restore biodiversity in native forests.

Ajay Chhabra (Europe)

Ajay Chhabra is an artistic director, producer, advisor, and actor. He has been active in civil society since the late 1990s, bringing people from different countries, cultures, and communities together through festivals, events, and partnerships.

With his company, Nutkhut, Mr. Chhabra uses partnerships and experiences to unearth untold stories and hidden histories. He is currently working on the final instalment of a trilogy of multi-disciplinary performances that mark significant historical moments in the relationship between Britain and Commonwealth communities around the world.

Mr. Chhabra currently sits on several boards at local, regional, and national level. As an Ambassador on the Mayor of London’s Cultural Leadership Board, he engaged in the launch of the London Borough of Culture Award; and has helped develop a comprehensive, inclusive cultural strategy for the capital over the next ten years. Mr. Chhabra is Founding Chair for the National Mela Partnership, and has developed and delivered Mela strategy for Arts Council England and European Union bodies for the past 15 years across three continents.

Download CSAG terms of reference 2019

 

COVID-19: statement from the Director-General

To write that we are living in strange and extraordinary times would have felt like hyperbole even a week ago. No longer. I hope and trust that you and your families are keeping well in mind, body and spirit. Our thoughts and sympathies go out to those who are especially vulnerable, and whose lives and livelihoods have been so terribly affected. Above all, we must unite to ensure that the pandemic is kept away from the countries and communities that do not enjoy the protection of strong health and welfare systems.

‘We must unite to ensure that the pandemic is kept away from the countries and communities that do not enjoy the protection of strong health and welfare systems’

The Foundation’s team has been working remotely for the past week, and Marlborough House is closed until further notice. Despite these challenges—and the need to cancel several scheduled activities—we are seeking to operate with a ‘business as usual’ mindset. This means, for example, that our grants programme is continuing apace: applications received during our most recent call are being reviewed as planned; the schedule for the 2020-2021 round will remain unchanged; and all grant payments will be processed as normal. (Grant partners with specific issues and requirements are encouraged to reach out to their assigned Grants Officer.) Our Commonwealth Short Story Prize is also operating on schedule, with the 2020 shortlist due to be announced shortly. With regard to the Commonwealth People’s Forum I refer you to our website where regular updates will be posted. In the next few weeks, we will launch a platform for our partners to share their stories and insights on the pandemic. Please keep an eye on our website for this as well.

‘The political and cultural polarisation that we have all become used to over recent years could well be a thing of the past, as our differences fade away before a common threat.’

We will have time to reflect, over the coming weeks and months, on what COVID-19 has revealed to us—about ourselves, our world, and our relationships with each other. Undoubtedly this will lead to some hard questions. For example, have our civil society structures and networks proved sufficiently resilient to sustain our countries and communities through these difficult times? Have our governments provided the courageous leadership that we have a right to expect? And have we, as individuals, demonstrated the compassion, generosity and gratitude that we would want to receive from others?

I am not alone in expressing the belief that we will emerge from adversity into a better, fairer world. The political and cultural polarisation that we have all become used to over recent years could well be a thing of the past, as our differences fade away before a common threat. Our assumed dominion over the planet will have received another sharp wake-up call, breathing new energy into a global commitment to address widespread degradation of our natural environment. The unevenness of the virus’s economic impact may also cause us to finally question the way in which ‘work’ has been reshaped in the service of profits—and the insecurity and indignity that has accompanied this sustained, worldwide trend. And we have good reason to hope that once the worst is over, hyper-individualism will give way to an acceptance that adequate investment in society and public goods—including health and social services—is the true hallmark of a decent, inclusive society.

Perhaps most importantly, it will be the many acts of human empathy, altruism and love we are witnessing and hearing about that will help repair the damage—not least by reaffirming our faith in community and our belief in a shared humanity.

Dr Anne T. Gallagher AO is Director-General of the Commonwealth Foundation. 

Reframing the debate around women, peace, and security

When a peace deal is struck between warring factions, it is widely understood that peace has been achieved. However, when key sections of society—in most cases all women—are kept from the negotiating table, is that peace agreement likely to meet the needs of all citizens? As an individual who has lived through conflict from a young age, I know I have a different perspective on peacebuilding than those who have sat at the negotiating table on my behalf.

‘Unless a society treats its citizens equally, national security does not guarantee security for all’

Trying to address this problem two decades ago, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security. Recognising that women bear unique burdens during conflict and can offer critical insights on peacebuilding, UNSCR 1325 stressed the importance of ensuring that women participate in greater numbers at all stages of conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction. Since its passage, Resolution 1325 has become the organising framework for thinking about women, peace, and security and is touted by the U.N. Security Council, U.N. Women, and other powerful international organisations.

But while the impetus behind UNSCR 1325 may be sound, does its approach actually make things worse? Unfortunately, yes.

The problem is conceptual. UNSCR 1325 defines security in terms of national security. But national security is not the same as individual security: unless a society treats its citizens equally, national security does not guarantee security for all. If we can agree that women bear a disproportionate burden of hardship and injustice in conflict, our priority should be reforming the structures that create those inequalities in the first place.

Last month, Shreen Saroor (third from right) joined peace advocates from around the world for a roundtable discussion exploring how women could achieve greater representation in peace processes. The event took place in Penang, Malaysia, and was convened by the Commonwealth Foundation.

We know that women face sexual violence in conflict and untold hardships in post-conflict reconstruction.  When lands and resources are grabbed or access to them restricted in the name of post-conflict security, war-affected women can find themselves with no means of livelihood. As a consequence, women can find themselves in unskilled factory labour with no pathway for advancement. The same women who were uniquely vulnerable during the war remain uniquely exploited after it. Recognising their voices in conflict resolution and peacebuilding requires that we look at the broader context. That context includes not just physical security from violence but a transformation of their role in relation to the state.

‘The answer to war’s disproportionate impact on women should not be to deputise women as agents of war’

The drive for greater female representation in the armed forces—although ostensibly about female empowerment—works against women in the longer term, undermining arguments against violence. Indeed, the women’s peace agenda is best served by a reduction of arms and security personnel. The answer to war’s disproportionate impact on women should not be to deputise women as agents of war, but instead to solicit women’s views to reduce violence and reshape the structures facilitating it.

By defining the debate in terms of national security and working for greater participation of women in the security sector, UNSCR 1325’s influence is leading governments and international organisations, including U.N. Women, astray. It is incumbent on civil society stakeholders to argue for an alternative framing.

What women need is not a token seat at the table, but rather a chance to offer real input in peacebuilding and conflict resolution. We need our values and experiences to be heard to dismantle the structures of oppression and violence that leave us uniquely vulnerable. This means a commitment to disarmament, demilitarisation, war crimes accountability, human rights and dignity, livelihood assistance, land rights, cultural rights, inheritance and divorce reforms, and lasting efforts to repair war-torn societies and elevate them to a place better than before. It is in shaping this process that women need to be heard.

How do I know I’m right? Twenty years after UNSCR 1325, impunity persists for sexual and gender-based violence. Even as women have joined peacekeeping ranks in greater numbers, reports of rape and sexual violence against U.N. peacekeeping forces and state security personnel persist. Well-qualified women are encouraged to enter politics, but when they do, they are mocked, their good intentions questioned, and they are distracted in the fight against the same patriarchal, discriminatory, and sometimes militarised structures their presence in politics seeks to change.

What gains are we making in addressing the problems that UNSCR 1325 sought to correct? If we take an honest assessment, it is clear we need a better path forward, one that actually considers women’s perspectives in peacebuilding rather than treating them as placeholders in the same flawed approach.

Shreen Saroor is a human rights activist.

Disability rights

One billion people, or 15% of the global population are living with disabilities, and prevalence is higher in developing countries. The evidence shows that Persons with Disabilities (PWDs) throughout the world are more likely to experience poverty.

The issues facing PWDs are similar across countries and range from difficulty accessing physical environments and transportation; prejudice and stigma in society; restricted access to employment and services; non-adapted means of communication; and non-availability of assistive devices and technologies.

‘Bangladesh is gathering information on PWDs by systematically drawing data from applications for disability cards.’

Despite a flurry of international and national commitments to address the needs of PWDs in recent decades—tangible progress has been slow. This is why our grants partners have been working with governments to turn commitment into action.

In Kenya, our partners have been organising and coordinating advocacy at the community and county levels for better laws, policies, and essential services. This activity has led to the formation of a national Disability Advocacy Coalition, which, among other achievements, has ensured the passage of a disability rights bill in Machakos County.

In India, our partners have been gathering robust data on women with disabilities from a range of primary and secondary sources to support newly appointed state Disability Commissioners. This data has already formed the basis for an alternative report to the United Nations, which looks at how India has met its obligations to women with disabilities under the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.

In Bangladesh, our partners have formed groups of PWDs to engage with local authorities and strengthened processes and capacities within disabled person’s organisations so they can advocate to local and national government.

‘In relation to all three countries, it is likely that each has something to learn from the other.’

As Persons with Disabilities tend to face similar hurdles worldwide, many threads draw these projects together. Take data: reliable data is crucial in the planning and optimum delivery of services, and is particularly important for delivering social welfare payments. The Government of Bangladesh is gathering information on PWDs by systematically drawing data from applications for disability cards. Civil society organisations have been working to fill the data gap in India, while Kenya has no systematic approach to data collection on disabilities. In relation to all three countries, it is likely that each has something to learn from the other.

Given the considerable scope for cross-border learning, the Foundation is hosting a learning exchange in Bangalore, India, next week, to enable project leads from the three countries—and others from Ghana, Guyana, and Jamaica—to come together and share strategies for advancing disability rights.

The discussion will focus on how to improve government accountability to PWDs by leveraging existing laws, policies, and international frameworks.

The Disability Learning Exchange will take place from 3-5 February 2020. You can join the conversation online using #CWLearningExchange.

Seasonal message from the Director-General

As the festive season is upon us—and as the year draws to a close—I extend my best wishes to the many friends and supporters of the Foundation: the Commonwealth’s agency for civil society.

This year has been an exciting and fulfilling one, and, with your support, we have achieved a great deal. Here are just a few of the highlights from 2019:

  • The addition of eight new grant initiatives to an active portfolio now totalling 40 projects. These new initiatives address a range of issues from community engagement in fisheries policy to greater female participation in politics
  • Over 5000 entries to the 2020 Commonwealth Short Story Prize
  • Over 10,000 new subscribers and followers across our online channels
  • The inclusion of civil society, for the first time, in the Senior Officials segment of the Women’s Affairs Ministerial Meeting.

Looking ahead, I am sure all will agree that the Foundation’s core mission—to support inclusive, transparent and accountable governance throughout the Commonwealth—has never been more important. We understand, all too well, the urgent need for collective action across a range of fronts: from climate change to migration; from gender equality to poverty alleviation. Without the active and sustained involvement of civil society, true progress on these and other critical issues facing our world will be impossible.

‘The People’s Forum—along with its sister gatherings focussing on youth and women—promises to breathe energy, hope, and new ideas into CHOGM 2020’

In 2020, the Foundation will continue to pursue its own path of change and renewal: ensuring that we are as well-equipped as possible to deliver on our ambitious mandate. Having only been in the position of Director-General for six months I take great pleasure in welcoming Shem Ochola as our new Deputy Director-General. Shem’s experience, gained over more than two decades in programme management and governance, will be vital in helping to steer our core work towards even greater relevance and impact.

In 2020, alongside our Rwandan Government partners, we will also convene the Commonwealth People’s Forum: the biennial gathering that brings the citizens of the Commonwealth directly into the Commonwealth Heads of Government (CHOGM) meeting. The People’s Forum—along with its sister gatherings focussing on youth and women—promises to breathe energy, hope, and new ideas into CHOGM 2020. The themes it will tackle over three days (21-23 June) are the big ones: the questions that really matter as we try to navigate our way through an increasingly fractured and uncertain world: how do we challenge the exclusion that eats away at the legitimacy of our political, economic, and social systems? How can civil society expertise and momentum be harnessed to address ‘wicked problems’ that our governments appear almost powerless to address, such as climate change, economic injustice, and exploitative migration? And perhaps most importantly, how do we build and sustain the structures and processes that will secure the kind of governance capable of delivering for all of us: not just for those who, through the fortune of birth, geography, gender, good health, or any other blessing, are already abounding in wealth and power?

Once again, my thanks to all who have been associated with the Foundation’s work in 2019. Please join us as we look towards another year of progress and hope.

Dr Anne T. Gallagher AO is Director-General of the Commonwealth Foundation. Note that information on the 2020 Commonwealth Peoples Forum will be available on the Foundation’s website in the coming months.

Participatory governance: seven years of lessons learned

I was recently asked about the lessons I have learned in the area of participatory governance and development. I reflected on our work at the Foundation and how we consistently ask ourselves about the value we are adding to the sector. We are committed to adaptive learning and management and have dedicated ourselves to strengthening civic voices to constructively engage in policy processes and contribute to shaping public discourse; here are the lessons I consider important.

One of the major learnings from our 2012-2017 strategy was that we must be better at integrating gender in our programming. Under our strategy for 2017-21, we have a stronger focus on gender equality underpinned by the framework of gender and its intersectionality. In keeping with our systems approach, this framework allows for an understanding of the different intersecting systems of oppression and recognises the different ways that gender inequality is shaped by these intersections.

‘The highest degree of change can be observed when projects are based on the partners’ own assessment’

The direction, speed and acceptance of change in complex social and political systems are difficult to predict. We have been more mindful that using a ‘longer’-term timeframe is critical to the success of the Foundation’s strategic priorities. Strengthening civic voices means change over the long term. Our planning now factors this in.

The highest degree of change can be observed when projects are based on the partners’ own assessment; when partners take the lead in determining and articulating the change they want to achieve, the capacities they want to strengthen and the effective approaches to be taken. Customising support and taking into consideration the cultural and political context is fundamental.

There are no short cuts for anchoring the work on local ownership and supporting a process beyond enhancing existing knowledge and skills of individuals whereby civic voices strengthen, create, adapt and maintain their capacity over time and realise their own agency. We accompany partners, acknowledging that one size does not fit all, facilitating processes in prioritising and planning instead of imposing outside analyses and interests and engaging in co-creation.

‘…building trust is imperative in successful engagements and partnerships in governance.’

We have learned that support to civic voices must address individual needs and consider how skills and abilities materialise in organisational and institutional processes. We recognise that structures and processes are influenced by system-wide issues. We have found that initiatives and programmes require a wide range of adult learning approaches that are better adapted than traditional training and workshops. These include learning by doing, peer to peer mentoring and on-site coaching. Combined with these, research, technical assistance, pilot projects, training and evaluations have proved to be useful.

We have also seen how individual strengths organised in and working as part of coalitions or alliances have demonstrated the effectiveness of collective efforts in engaging in policy advocacy and campaigning. One ingredient that features in our work is partnering with effective and strong local resource partners who know the local context and have credibility in-country to deliver the gamut of support. This approach contributes in the long term to strengthening the local enabling environment.

And finally, building trust is imperative in successful engagements and partnerships in governance. One way that civil society is able to build trust is to demonstrate its technical capacity and willingness to constructively engage in policy processes in governance.

As I reflect on these lessons, I look on the future of the Foundation with immense optimism. I take this opportunity to welcome the incoming Deputy Director-General, Shem Ochola, as I pass on the baton to him. Under the leadership of, and in partnership with, the Director-General, Anne Therese Gallagher AO, I’m certain that Shem will take the organisation from strength to strength; building on these lessons to engender an ever more meaningful and constructive engagement between governments and citizens, notably those less heard, across the Commonwealth. I wish him and the rest of the organisation the very best. 2020 is looking bright.

Myn Garcia ends her term as Deputy Director-General of the Commonwealth Foundation in December 2019.

Advocating for the rights of children with disabilities

In Kenya, good progress has been made in regards to disability mainstreaming in different sectors of the economy. The government of Kenya has a National Action Plan for Implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which includes a commitment to include disability in the development agenda. The ratification of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD); and the launch of the ‘Big Four Agenda’ (food security, affordable housing, manufacturing growth, and healthcare) by the current Kenyan president provides tremendous opportunities in ensuring prosperity for all.

Regrettably, there continues to be a gap between agendas and laws on the one hand, and policies and practice on the other. This has furthered the marginalisation of minority groups, including persons with disabilities. The majority of people with disabilities continue to live in poverty, have limited opportunities for accessing education, health services, suitable housing, and employment opportunities.

‘Multi-stakeholder partnerships, such as the Disability Advocacy Coalition, are an important vehicle for mobilising and sharing knowledge, technologies, and financial resources’

To help push for change, AbleChildAfrica (ACA) and Action Network for the Disabled (ANDY) formed a Disability Advocacy Coalition in Kenya in 2017 to share best practices and design, coordinate, and implement a campaign to raise public awareness on the rights of children and youth with disabilities and hold government to account on their obligations. The coalition involves 10 civil society organisations (CSOs), 10 disabled person’s organisations (DPOs), and 15 disabled person’s groups (DPGs) from 8 districts in Kenya: Machakos, Kwale, Kisumu, Kirinyaga, Siaya, Kiambu, Embu, and Nairobi. Mutual trust and respect, open communication, and understanding between stakeholders regarding each other’s strengths and weaknesses are critical for nurturing the working relationships within the coalition.

Multi-stakeholder partnerships, such as the Disability Advocacy Coalition, are an important vehicle for mobilising and sharing knowledge, technologies, and financial resources and are recognised in Sustainable Development Goal 17–‘Strengthen the means of implementation and revitalise the global partnership for sustainable development’–to support the achievement of the SDGs in all countries. Multi-stakeholder partnerships are also critical to effective implementation of the CRPD. Article 32 stipulates international cooperation in support of national efforts to implement treaty obligations. More generally, the need for engagement of persons with disabilities and their representative organisations in the implementation and monitoring of the CRPD is a key element of the convention.

‘…the achievement of real results for persons with disabilities is aided by the involvement of international actors.’

So far, the coalition’s work has led to the design of a strategy and action plan that will help coalition members ensure access to employment, education, and health services for children and young persons with disabilities. Our efforts have also resulted in the enactment of the Built Environment and Accessibility for Persons with Disabilities Bill in Machakos County by the Governor. Coalition members in Machakos district pushed through the enactment of the bill via engagements with the Disability Directorate and the County Department of Social Protection. The coalition has also pushed for the delivery of the Kirinyaga Persons with Disability Act to the County Assembly of Kirinyaga. The bill is currently awaiting approval from lawmakers.

Support from the Commonwealth Foundation to UK-based AbleChildAfrica, who subsequently supported Action Network for the Disabled in Kenya, enhanced collaboration and the zeal to advance awareness on rights of children and young persons with disabilities in Kenya. Indeed, the achievement of real results for persons with disabilities is aided by the involvement of international actors. This, in combination with an understanding of the day-to-day experience of disability from local disabled person’s groups and organisations, provides a strong basis for informed policy change.

Ngao Mwavuna is an advocacy officer at Action Network for the Disabled, Kenya.